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GRUESOME HARVEST
The Costly Attempt To Exterminate The People of Germany

By Ralph Franklin Keeling

 
Chapter IX:
THE KREMLIN'S PROGRAM

Imperialist Expansion and World Revolution

To comprehend Russia's bid for control over the German Reich, it is necessary first to have an understanding of the Soviet Union's more general aims and ideas. Lack of such knowledge is primarily responsible for the botch our leaders have made of our relations with Moscow.

Surging, aggressive Soviet Russia represents a merger of the territorial ambitions of old Russian imperialism and the communist program of world revolution. The former proceeds as before on military power and the allurements of Pan-Slavism, to which has now been added the force of world communism. The latter, motivated as always by the crusading urge of ideological fanaticism, finds itself carried along by the expansionist imperialism of its base, Soviet Russia. Reinforcing each other as they do, the two confront the world with menacing power.

Russian imperial expansion now as in former years threatens British trade routes, strategic oil reserves, and commercial opportunities. Russian attempts to penetrate through Iran to the Persian Gulf and through the Dardanelles and Trieste to the Mediterranean are to Britain intolerable threats to her lifeline to India. Equally damaging is the actual and potential enlargement of the Soviet Union itself, for wherever it expands it virtually closes the door to international trade and financial operations on which Britain thrives and without which she starves. Through the force of world communism the U.S.S.R., which has already drawn into its orbit the eastern half of Europe and important sections of Asia, actively menaces other sectors all over the globe - in Asia, Africa, western Europe, and even the Americas.

And because we believe our own vital interests parallel those of Britain, our reaction to Russian expansion is similar to the British and collaborates closely with it.

World Communism, based on the teachings of Marx, Lenin, and now Stalin, paints capitalism as a diabolical exploitative system in which the propertied classes rob the workers through the wage system. In harmony with Marx's dialectical materialism and economic teachings, Communists and many Socialists believe that capitalism is dying by predestined, convulsive stages involving commercial crises, wars, and catastrophes, that the end of the capitalist world is at hand, to be superseded by a new world order of socialism.

Communists deem it their mission to hasten by all available means the process of capitalist disintegration and the advent of the socialist millennium. Following the philosophy that might makes right, that the end justifies the means, their every act, even when disguised as "reform," is calculated to hasten the revolutionary downfall of the private property and wage systems.[1] Communists aim to lead the revolution and to command the new socialist world order by having charge of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" by which it is to be ruled.[2]

The chief instrument to carry out this mission is the Communist Party with branches in all countries and its headquarters now in Moscow. But it is not a political party in the ordinary sense. It is not intended to be a voting aggregation, to gain power by legal means, but rather a thoroughly trained, highly disciplined Military Staff and vanguard of the revolutionary masses to seize power by violence and to hold it by terror, "unlimited power, resting on violence and not on law." In the words of Lenin, as quoted by Stalin:

"The successful victory over capitalism requires a correct relationship between the leading Communist Party and the revolutionary class, the proletariat, on the one hand, and the masses, i.e., all those who toil and are exploited, on the other. Only the Communist Party, if it really is the vanguard of the revolutionary class, if it incorporates all the best representatives of the class, if it is composed of fully conscious and devoted Communists who have been educated and steeled by the experience of stubborn revolutionary struggle, if this party has succeeded in linking itself inseparably with the whole life of its class and through this class with the whole mass of the exploited, and in imbuing this class and these masses with complete confidence - only such a party is capable of leading the proletariat in the most ruthless, decisive, and final struggle against all the forces of capitalism."[3]

The proselytizing power of the Party arises primarily from mass discontent with the existing order to which Communists attribute all the annoyances and troubles of life. The Party takes full advantage of the many admitted defects of the present system, a large part of which are rooted in human nature itself and would be present under any arrangement. It thrives on such things as the failure of classical political economy to explain or mitigate business crises; the inadequacies and the distortions of orthodox history; the failure of church and other leaders to recognize and face the great issues of our times; the universal tendency to envy those who are better off and to blame "the system" for personal failure and maladjustment; the secret desire to witness, perhaps aid, the downfall of those in superior positions gained, it is supposed, by foul play or personal connections, rather than merit. Finally, there is the idealistic attraction of the slogan "from each according to his ability and to each according to his need." The prospect offered seems like perfect brotherhood and altruistic interest in the welfare of one's fellow men, which contrasts sharply with the cold, self-regarding character of private enterprise. But those who permit themselves to follow this lure fail to realize what Russia has learned, though she does not preach it, namely, that in practice removal of incentive for superior performance provided by personal reward in accordance with deed causes interest and performance to fall, and compulsion, by enslavement or worse, to follow.

The first country to fall to world communism was Russia, which since the Bolshevist Revolution of October, 1917, has provided a powerful national base for international communist operations. A strong effort is now made to create the impression that the Communist International has been dissolved, that there is no longer any connection between Russia and communist parties in other countries. Stalin when recently asked, "What is your opinion regarding the accusation that the policies of communist parties in western Europe are 'dictated by Moscow'?" replied, "I consider the accusation absurd and to be borrowed trom the bankrupt arsenal of Hitler and Goebbels."[4]

Yet in his own book, PROBLEMS OF LENINISM, currently revised by him, translated under his authorization into all civilized languages, distributed by communist parties everywhere, and accepted by them as unquestionable gospel, Stalin cries: "For what else is our country, the country that is building socialism, if not the base of the world revolution?"[5] Quoting Lenin, he says:

"The victory of socialism is possible, first in a few or even in one single capitalist country taken separately. The victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated the capitalists and organized its own socialist production, would rise against the rest of the capitalist world, attract to itself the oppressed classes of other countries, raise revolts among them against the capitalists, and even in the event of necessity come out even with armed forces against the exploiting classes and their states.[6]
"It is inconceivable that the Soviet republic should continue to exist for a long period side by side with imperialist states. Ultimately one or the other must conquer. Meanwhile a number of terrible clashes between the Soviet republic and the bourgeois states in inevitable. This means that if the proletariat, as the ruling class, wants to and will rule, it must prove it also by military organization."
[7]

Stalin says that all but traitors to the cause of communism must accept these views, that to deny them "is to abandon internationalism, to abandon Leninism."[8] In his equally widely translated and distributed FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM, Stalin says:

"But overthrowing the power of the bourgeoisie and establishing the power of the proletariat in a single country does not yet guarantee the complete victory of socialism. After consolidating its power and leading the peasantry after it, the proletariat of the victorious country can and must build up socialist society. But does that mean that in this way the proletariat will secure a complete and final victory for socialism, i.e., does it mean that with the forces of a single country it can finally consolidate socialism and fully guarantee that country against intervention, which means against restoration? Certainly not. That requires victory for the revolution in at least several countries. It is therefore the essential task of the victorious revolution in one country to develop and support the revolution in others. So the revolution in a victorious country ought not consider itself as a self-contained unit, but as an auxiliary and a means of hastening the victory of the proletariat in other countries.
"Lenin has tersely expressed this thought by saying that the task of the victorious revolution is to do the "utmost possible in one country for the development, support and stirring up of the revolution in all countries."
[9]

In the same work, Stalin emphasizes the necessity of maintaining absolute uniformity of policy in all branches of the world communist party through iron discipline.[10] He says:

"But the parties of the Communist International, which organize their activities on the basis of the task of achieving and strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat, cannot afford to be "liberal" or to permit the formation of factions. The Party is synonymous with unity of will, which leaves no room for factionalism or division of authority in the Party."[11]

This is the reason for the well-known close conformity of the American Communist Party to Moscow policy. And neither these realities nor the quotations just given can be obliterated for Mr. Stalin's present convenience as absurdities "borrowed from the bankrupt arsenal of Hitler and Goebbels." Lying and deception are among communism's most useful weapons. Stalin explains the necessity of deceiving one's bourgeois enemies, even when serving as allies, of waging relentless war against all bourgeois states, i.e., states operating under the private property system, which includes the United States of America. Quoting Lenin, he says:

"To carry on a war for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie, which is a hundred times more difficult, prolonged and complicated than the most stubborn of ordinary wars between states; and to refuse beforehand to maneuver, to utilize the conflict of interests (even though temporary) among one's enemies; to refuse to temporise and compromise with possible (even though transient, unstable, vacillating and conditional) allies - is not this ridiculous in the extreme? Is it not as though, in the difficult ascent of an unexplored and hitherto inaccessible mountain, we were to renounce beforehand the idea that at all times we might have to go in zigzags, sometimes retracing our steps, sometimes giving up the course once selected and trying various others?"[12]

Russia's wartime pretense that she had abandoned the revolution both at home and abroad was done merely to deceive her unstable allies of the moment, was merely a necessary zigzag or strategic retreat in the continuing effort to reach the ultimate goal of destruction of private enterprise throughout the world. In a speech to the Russian people, February 9, 1946, Stalin made clear that the Kremlin looks upon the Soviet Union as its own united nations organization which it wishes to spread all over the world ostensibly to end wars and other difficulties among nations. He said:

"The Soviet state system has proved an example of a multinational state system where the national problem and the problem of collaboration among nations are solved better than in any other multinational state."[12A]

While assuring the Russians that under normal conditions they are better off than any other people, the Kremlin constantly paints the outside world in lurid, hateful colors. It tells the people that the diabolical capitalists are plotting to attack them from within and from without in order to destroy the workers paradise which threatens to overthrow the capitalist system of exploitation. Stalin in 1939, for example, warned the Communist Party:

"Never to forget that we are surrounded by a capitalist world; to remember that the foreign espionage services will smuggle spies, murderers and wreckers into our country; and, remembering this, to strengthen our socialist intelligence service and systematically help it to defeat and eradicate the enemies of the people."[13]

A people thus stirred up to believe they are fighting to save their national life are more easily ruled, more willing to obey orders unquestioningly, more willing to accept purges of their ranks as necessary cleansings of deadly capitalistic influences. Any Russian found conversing with a foreigner is naturally suspected of being an agent of free enterprise and is dealt with accordingly.

Between those who accept and those who reject the teachings of communist ideology and the decrees of its leaders there is and can be no compromise, no give and take, no margin of tolerance. When they get the upper hand, Communists root out and destroy under a reign of terror all capitalistic elements and influences. They believe that the workers as they are awakened to the truth about their former masters will welcome the new order as a vast improvement over the old. Lenin said, as quoted by Stalin:

"The dictatorship of the proletariat. . . is not merely the use of violence against the exploiters, and is not even mainly the use of violence. The economic basis of this revolutionary violence, the guarantee of its vitality and success, is that the proletariat represents and introduces a higher type of social organization of labor compared with capitalism. That is the essential point. This is the source of the strength of Communism and the guarantee of its inevitable complete victory."[14]


The German Program

Communists believe that fascism is the final state of capitalism, that when it falls, as it must, it can be succeeded only by communism.[15] They believe that our attempt to democratize fascist Germany in the western sense is as futile as to try to transform a chicken into an egg or a butterfly into a larva. They believe that Germany must pass through a natural metamorphosis from nazism to communism, and that when they help the process along they are working in harmony with the inevitable course of history .

Walther Ulbricht, Director of the Communist Party in Germany, whose wife was a secretary to General Zhukov, and who was in Russia between 1933 and V-E Day, stated before a secret Berlin meeting of the "Free German Trade Union's" 45-man executive committee for the Soviet zone:

"When the job of Communizing the Soviet zone is completed we shall devote ourselves to the other zones.
"Soon there will not be any privately owned companies in the Soviet zone in Germany. All the large companies, even medium-sized ones will revert to community ownership. This must be done rapidly, before the establishment of a central administration in Germany can interfere in our zone."
[16]

Communism is fundamentally an attack against private property and the propertied class. In the Russian zone the process of stripping Germans of their property has been accomplished by destruction through war action, by looting, reparations, inflation, confiscation, and by forced sales. Meanwhile, liquidation of the property owning classes has been completed by denazification, forced labor, executions, and terror which has led thousands to suicide and other thousands to turn fugitive and thus to forfeit their holdings.

We have already noted the thoroughness with which the zone was sacked and looted, yielding billions of dollars worth of lucre to Russia. The other operations have been equally devastating. Inflation, which destroys whole classes and eats the very marrow out of the bones of any economy, has been deliberately created. Russia's share of the occupation marks which had been printed up in advance by the U.S. Treasury was not enough. She asked for the plates and after we turned them over to her printed up and circulated untold billions more. Finally, she opened the vaults of the Reichsbank, its branches, and other banks and seized their contents.[17] The resulting inflation has yielded fabulous spoil at little or no cost and at the same time helped to ruin and expropriate the propertied class.

The dispossessed German masses have been reduced to prostrate, helpless, submissive proletarians. Having lost all individual security, they are utterly dependent upon their new masters for jobs, food, and all other necessities. Since nothing is supplied to critics and objectors, survivors are submissive. Farmers, as stated before, were stripped of equipment, tools, seeds, and livestock during the early looting. To obtain replacements necessary to carry on operations they must apply to the "co-operatives" which are under communist control and which use their monopoly to prevent "politically unreliable" farmers from obtaining essential supplies. Unless they submit, they must abandon farming and give up their land. In this fashion the way is opened wide for zonal sovietization with minimum interference.[18]

Soviet authorities believe that the German masses will enthusiastically accept the liquidation of the propertied classes as liberation from capitalistic exploitation. Carefully censored press and radio assure them that the present painful difficulties are only birth pains of a glorious new order which had been blocked by the former upper classes. In harmony with this thought, all schools and universities that are operating teach the Germans the advantages of communism and belittle the western democracies as strongholds of fascism and capitalistic exploitation, of wretched imperialism and fomenters of imperialist wars. Such ideas are taught the members of the Russian sponsored, nationwide "Free Youth" movement,[19] and thousands of children who have been snatched from their families and placed in special children's "Homes" for systematic indoctrination.[20] Here is a sample of what they are taught:

"In comparison with the Soviet Republic, the parliamentarian democracies are a step backward. . . The difference between bourgeois society in the Soviet Union is like the difference between ape and man. Socialism is the future of all humanity . . . The old powers can delay this development, but they cannot destroy it . . . This change in the structure of society cannot be achieved in a reformatory way. You can only achieve it in the revolutionary way . . . If this socialist structure we have in Russia were introduced in all nations of the world, it would be impossible to wage war, just as war is impossible between the Ukraine and Armenia."[21]

The Soviets, according to their lights, are making an effort to woo the Germans into acceptance of communism and to minimize resentment. As already noted, they have handled denazification with comparative enlightenment. Scientists, technologists, military experts, and others with special talents have been eagerly sought after and offered attractive inducements to render service to the new regime. Penitent Nazis are invited to transfer allegiance to the Communist Party and to start working through it for German salvation. Taking advantage of the deep resentment of the French and Morgenthau proposals to amputate the western Reich, Communists have taken the lead in an intensely pro-Fatherland movement. This gives the Germans the impression that the western democracies who would stand in the way of "the new and greater German Reich" are the real enemies, rather than either nazism or communism.[22] Russian occupation troops apparently no longer molest frauleins, "at least not in the careless, irresponsible way the Americans do," reports an American correspondent.[23] It is interesting to note in this connection that only one man remains in the zone for every 15 women in the 20 to 30 years of age bracket.[24]

Hitler had freed the peasants of the scourge of usurious mortgage holders; Russia goes a step further in her bid for popular approval by breaking up the Junker and other large estates and making the land available in small plots of between 11 and 17 acres to approved Germans on easy terms.[25] The operation does not increase total production but appears to spread ownership. The maneuver is obviously a preliminary to collectivization similar to the procedure followed in liquidation of the Ukrainian Kulaks. The new "owners" are promised houses and equipment. Since these are not available, the owners have no choice but to band together in the existing estate buildings, where collectivist headquarters must be located. Collectivization can thus proceed a little later with minimum disturbance, and the new government can with ease slip into position to exploit those who work the soil in place of the former owners.

All farmers are given production quotas to fill at controlled prices. Part of any surplus, and there rarely is one since the quotas are set so high, may be sold in markets where those with the money to buy, usually members of the new ruling bureaucracy, can buy food to supplement rations, which are nominally set at about the same level as those in the American zone. The requisite supplies are not always available in many places, however, and widespread starvation has occurred.[26] Persistent reports nevertheless tell of substantial food exports to Russia.[27] However people are allowed rationed brown coal for residential heating,[28] whereas, as previously mentioned, Berliners and those in the western zones have had no coal to heat their homes.

The industries left in the zone are all in operation and are either managed by Russians or "workers councils" dominated by Communists. Although most of the product is taken as reparation and sent to the Soviet Union, a small amount is made available for sale to the German workers. Correspondents permitted to tour the zone in March, 1946, reported that a long list of manufactured products were on display, including carpenter tools, typewriters, sewing machines, even automobiles.[29] They reported that the Germans they saw displayed less of an attitude of futility and a more vigorous spirit than are encountered in other zones.[30]

Only one political party is allowed, the Social Unity Party, representing a forced merger of the Communist and Social Democratic Parties, with the former completely dominant. Since all positions carrying power, prestige, and higher than ordinary incomes are held by Communists and their pets, thousands of Germans have rushed into the Party simply to gain its perquisites.[31] The Germans are learning spoils politics from their Red overlords on a scale that would make a Tammany ward heeler blush.[32] Even if Russia should be forced to withdraw her occupation forces, with political control returned to the Germans, the deeply entrenched German Communists would no doubt continue to maintain themselves in power and in all probability provide the whole of Germany with political leadership.[33]

The way for ultimate communization of the western areas is being assiduously prepared by Communists in the western zones of occupation,[34] many of whom have worked their way into important posts in both the occupation bureaucracies and the local governmental establishments which have been set up to be run by Germans under the watchful eye of the military forces. Such communist penetration has automatically been abetted by the Potsdam program, by de-industrialization, de-nazification, enslavement, repression, by the whole terrible catastrophe. The roaming bands of vagabonds may be a curse to the western zonal authorities, but they afford the Communists excellent revolutionary material. Since the institution of private property and the propertied classes are now largely wiped out, the way has been opened for converting the whole Reich into a Sovietized "democracy."

We have done much already to facilitate realization of Russia's plans, and the Kremlin expects us to do more. It wants us to accept the Russian claim to 10 billion dollars in German reparations, not only to produce handsome booty but to place such a load on the crippled German economy that it could survive only under communization.[35] It is to Russia's advantage to delay the signing of a peace treaty with Germany as long as possible, for the delay will give her plans that much longer to mature. And if any German government is to be set up in the meantime, Russia wants it to be a provisional, centralized government, one that will give maximum opportunity to the thoroughly entrenched Communists to draw into their grasp controls over all of Germany.


The West Awakens

The West has been slow to recognize that the Russian ally is really no ally at all, but a determined enemy, that behind the Kremlin's every move lurks a sinister, dangerous motive. Our own leaders were long caught under the influence of Mr. Roosevelt's "great design," the strategy of trying to cure the Soviet leaders of their suspicion, animosity, and hatred of the West by showering them with favors and kindness. While under the spell we considered the truculent sons of Russia prodigals just returning to the family of nations, and felt it our duty to cater to their whims and eccentricities, to overlook their insults and stabs.

We signed the Potsdam Declaration, without suspecting that it was a Russian booby trap, that its vague, contradictory, undefined provisions and phrases could be applied by and yield advantage to only a Soviet Union which thrives on human misery. We shut our eyes to the vital difference between our way of life and Russian communism. Because Communists called their way "democracy," we assumed it was somehow akin to our "democracy" and we accepted in good faith Russia's wartime pretension that she was finished with revolution both at home and abroad, that her aggressions were nothing more than moves to strengthen her "essential security."

We have had our clashes with the Russians both in and out of Germany, have endured slaps and humiliations such as Americans have never accepted before. We have permitted our telephone lines running through the Russian zone to our zone in Berlin to be tapped. We have even put up with a Russian refusal to supply our Berlin zone with fresh food. We have bowed to Russian refusal to permit us to double track our single rail line into Berlin. We have had serious conflicts over newspaper censorship, control of radio outlets and programs, schools and school curricula, and a multitude of things both important and trivial, taking it all with a friendly smile when we had to yield to Soviet demands.

But finally we began to realize that such tactics were impressing the Russians only as weakness and to awaken to the menacing character of Soviet designs. Mildly at first, but with growing determination, we began to take a firmer stand, to demand that our own interests be given some attention. Our disillusionment was complete when Mr. Molotov at Paris finally showed his hand. We have been staggering to our senses ever since. We must hope that the awakening has come in time to prevent the Kremlin from absorbing the German Reich.

In the struggle we must recognize that Russia will have certain advantages, apart from those gained by our attempt to apply the sadistic Potsdam decrees, including deep German resentment. The Russian bureaucracy with its long experience in managing economic institutions and processes has found it relatively simple to take over control of the German economy in its zone and is fully prepared to extend the control over the rest of the Reich when opportunity presents itself. On the other hand, our own Government and especially our military forces are notoriously incompetent in handling economic affairs. Conditions reached bottom early in the Russian zone, so that what change has come has been for the better; whereas, bad as things are in our zone, they must be expected to become progressively worse. Germans will not fail to note the contrast and to draw dangerous conclusions. As stated before, the former movement of Germans from the East to the West has already reversed. Thousands of disillusioned, discouraged Germans are crossing into the Russian zone where they will enthusiastically prepare to help drive the hateful democracies out of Germany.

We have numerous advantages, however, which, if handled properly, should prove decisive. German antipathy toward Russia and Bolshevism is deepseated; in contrast, Germans have hitherto always admired us Americans and have imitated us in many ways, especially in economic techniques. Russia has also compromised herself in fundamental ways. She was behind the terrible expulsions of Germans from the lost territories and other places. She has been the instigator and chief beneficiary of the slave system, having taken from three to four times as many prisoners as all the western powers together. Germans of all classes deeply resent the cruel and violent liquidation of the former upper and middle classes, especially because it was carried out by foreigners and Communists whose patriotism is suspect.

Our task is to formulate a new and just German peace program - one that will give effect to our basic ideals and convictions and lead Germany toward, not away from, us and our way of life. But before we can take this step intelligently we must first face certain basic facts, must disabuse our minds of certain gross misconceptions which have lowered us in German esteem and misled us into the present danger.

 

Reference Notes:
[1] Josef Stalin, Foundations of Leninism (New York: International Publishers), Chapter 6, Sec. 6.
[2] Josef Stalin, Problems of Leninism (New York: International Publishers, 1934), Chapter V, "The Party and the Working Class Within the System of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
[3] Josef Stalin, Problems of Leninism. pp. 43-4.
[4] Reported in Chicago Daily News and other newspapers, Sept. 24, 1946.
[5] Problems of Leninism , p. 75.
[6] Problems of Leninism , p. 69.
[7] Problems of Leninism , p. 66.
[8] Same as No. 7.
[9] Foundations of Leninism, p. 44.
[10] Foundations of Leninism, Chapter VIII, "The Party," (5) 'The Party as the Expression of Unity of Will, Which Is Incompatible with the Existence of Factions,' pp. 118 ff.
[11] Foundations of Leninism, p. 120.
[12] Foundations of Leninism, p. 102-3.
[12a] Congressional Record , Feb. 11, 1946, p. A-683.
[13] Josef Stalin, From Socialism to Communism in the Soviet Union (New York: International Publishers, 1939), p. 38.
[14] Problems of Leninism, p. 25.
[15] David Dallin, The Real Soviet Russia (Yale University Press, 1945), p. 46.
[16] Chicago Herald-American, April 14, 1946.
[17] Prof. Karl Brandt, "Behind the Iron Curtain," The Progressive, Sept. 16, 1946. p. 5.
[18] Same at No. 17.
[19] Henry Wales, Berlin, March 26, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[20] United Press, Berlin, Aug. 8, 1946, Chicago Daily News.
[21] Hal Foust, Berlin, May 20, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[22] Edd Johnson, Berlin, Jan. 30, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.
[23] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, March 25, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[24] Henry. Wales, Berlin, April 9, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[25] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 7, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[26] Prof. Karl Brandt, "Behind the lron Curtain," The Progressive, Sept. 16, 1946, p. 5.
[27] John Thompson, Berlin, Oct. 3, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[28] Edd Johnson, Berlin, March 26, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.
[29] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, March 27, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[30] Same as No. 29.
[31] Same as No. 24.
[32] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 13, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[33] Same as No. 23.
[34] Cf. Hal Foust, Berlin, May 4, 1946, Chicago Daily Tribune; Wallace R. Deuel, Chicago Daily News, Sept. 12 and 16, 1946.
[35] Cf. Samuel Grafton, The Chicago Sun, July 22 and 23, 1946.

 

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